Celebrating faith in English
Celebrating faith in English: Migrant support networks in Lleida
M.A. Osorio, P. Mas, A. Moncasi
1. INTRODUCTION:
The linguistic landscape token that we have chosen to analyse is a promotional flyer for the New Living MInistry, found on the exterior of this recently established religious association at Valls d’Andorra 28, Lleida. This token is a bottom-up, migrant community-focused religious sign produced by an NGO (Non-Governmental Organization) called New Living Ministry linked to a particular church faction of the Christian faith, Evangelism. English is the predominant language, present in the main message while Catalan is only used to announce the address of the church. The address uses non-standard orthography. In the standard form, the masculine determiner contracts when the noun that follows has an initial vowel (it is not ‘’DE Andorra’’ but d'Andorra). The spelling of the article ‘’de’’ may show linguistic interference from Spanish orthography. The token is very partially multilingual, and it uses just one script (Latin alphabet) is used, making it monoglossic in script.
A prominent picture of a locally well-known pastor is featured prominently in the flyer, in this analysis, we will argue that English is used here not just for prestige, but as a Lingua Franca (ELF), a tool to reach non-Spanish and non-Catalan speakers such as Nigerian and mostly other African migrant communities. As Seidlhofer argues, ELF can be understood as "any use of English among speakers of different first languages for whom English is the communicative medium of choice and often the only option" In this linguistic landscape, English serves as a native or adjacent language, particularly for the Evangelist Ghanaian and Nigerian communities, allowing them to access a local religious community in Lleida.
2. CONTEXTUALIZATION
The token is located at Valls d’Andorra 28, in the city of Lleida, Catalonia, Spain. This street is found in the Balàfia neighborhood in Lleida, which is a new residential area with old, more affordable buildings. Currently, there is an ongoing conflict 60 meters away from the token’s location: The emplacement of a homeless shelter. This shelter is, in theory, targeted to the homeless immigrants (Segre, 2024). The details of the controversy are explained below.
Figure 1. Location of the New Living Church of Christ at Valls De Andorra 28, Lleida
Source: Google Maps (n.d.)
Figure 2. Street view of the church's surroundings
Source: Google Maps Street View (n.d.)
We can see in Figure 1 the exact location of the church at the already mentioned address. In Figure 2 we find the immediate surroundings, which include residential apartment buildings. Beside it, a tiny market stands near a place where buses come and go. So this church is easy to reach on foot.
Looking at how Idescat divides areas, this location sits in District IV - just one of nine such zones making up the town (Idescat, 2026). Around 23,806 people live there, that part includes 7,546 inhabitants born outside the country. So nearly a third, specifically 31.7%, of those living there came from elsewhere, while across the whole city the average percentage is approximately 23.26% (Idescat, 2026).This migrant population is perfect for understanding the choice of emplacement and the language that it uses to target users.
While Idescat (2026) data confirms a high immigrant population, it does not specify their countries of origin. However, our field observations and the church's use of English strongly suggest a target audience of migrants from English-speaking African nations, such as Nigerians or Ghanaians.
In the Balàfia area (located within District IV), residents have mobilized against a proposed civic hub that would include temporary housing for homeless individuals (Segre, 2024), so there is a confrontation between the population: people that previously owned property in the neighborhood and new owners of the “Nova Balàfia” that are against immigrants who are unable to afford high income housing, and moved there in search of affordable housing. In this neighborhood, there is a big immigrant population and they often face discrimination from their local neighbors. This situation influenced both sides: Balafia Participa, the association that wants to cancel the project of the shelter, and immigrant communities that unify themselves with bonds such as religion and self-support.
To conduct this analysis, we carried out two types of fieldwork: direct observation at the site and subsequent digital research. In the first place, Miguel Osorio, a member of the group project, visited Valls d’Andorra 28 in Lleida, the location of the New Living Church of Christ, on February 28, 2026. He photographed a promotional flyer that was displayed outside the building there (see Figure 3). He drove through the surrounding streets for nearly thirty minutes, observing who passed by. Though personal backgrounds remain uncertain, many individuals seemed connected to African heritage, based on their non-caucasic appearance and their use of language. Overheard exchanges, meanwhile, took place entirely in English.This observation supports the hypothesis that the church's use of English may be a strategy to reach English speaking immigrant communities in Balafia.
In the second place, we added to our in-person observation digital research. We looked for the surroundings (Figures 1 and 2) and verified the precise location using Google Maps. In order to gather demographic information for District IV. In order to contextualize Balafia's situation, we also looked at local news about the Balàfia shelter controversy (Segre, 2024) and studied the New Living Ministries website to learn about the church's history and mission (New Living Ministries). A key person in the flyer is Prophet Roy Ezeribe, who is listed as the "HOST" for the event (see Figure 3). He is the president of the New Living Church of Christ (Xeu, 2026) and originally comes from Benin City, Nigeria. On his public Facebook page, he streams Sunday services and all his prayers are in English.
In the third place, we analyzed the flyer itself using a critical and socially-committed sociolinguistic qualitative approach, examining. In the flyer there appear two languages: English and Catalan. The placement of English is important because it signals dominance. The mentioned language is featured near the logo of the church, and at the center of the flyer in which we see a large-sized font in white and yellow that says ‘’Grateful Heart’’. The prophet, and the name and the details of the event are also presented in English. Catalan is only used to indicate the address of the church and the size of the font is visibly smaller. The visual design features a prominent picture of the prophet and a big circle painted in warm colors (orange, etc.). At any rate, there is a clear connection between the church's global identity (appealing to a migrant audience) and its local linguistic choices.
Finally, we have considered Catalonia's language policies. Article 14 of the Municipal Ordinance on Civility and Coexistence requires public signage to use Catalan (Ajuntament de Lleida, 2014). The church was produced by a private religious organization (bottom-up sign). Top-down regulations do not apply to this type of sign and this freedom lets the church use English to reach its target demographic. They are registered in the Xarxa d’Entitats i Unions (2026) as an organization that celebrates and promotes faith in English. The church can prioritize English even though Catalan is the official preference for public space.
3. PICTURE OF OUR LL
Figure 3: New Living Church of Christ flyer
Picture taken by M.A. Osorio (28/02/2026)
The flyer is a multimodal sign that combines text and image (see Figure 3). It has a dark colorful background with bright text. The orange and yellow colors for "Grateful Heart" matter. These warm colors are used to reinforce the positivity of the message. They fit the gratitude theme the church wants to communicate. Prophet Roy Ezeribe is on the left side. He is the host of the event. The text splits into three sections. The church name is at the top left. The event details are in the center. The location is at the bottom. "Grateful Heart" uses the largest text. You see it first from a distance. This is intentional. It makes people who are walking by stop and look.
Our LL shows visuals to support the words. The flyer shows fruits at the bottom as a deliberate choice. In Christian imagery, fruits signal abundance and send the message that God provides for his people (BibleHub, n.d.). "ANNUAL THANKSGIVING" and "10 YEARS ANNIVERSARY" are fully written in capital letters to highlight the name of the events.
Two languages appear on the flyer: English and Catalan; name of the church appears as "NEW LIVING CHURCH OF CHRIST" in uppercase; the text "Ministry (Great Family)" appears below the name; event titles include "Annual Thanksgiving" and "10 YEARS ANNIVERSARY" in uppercase; the phrase "Grateful Heart" appears on the flyer; religious titles include "Prophet" and "HOST" in uppercase; date labels read "DEC 2025 / 13TH | 14TH"; time labels read "6:00PM" and "11:00AM"; the address appears as "Valls De Andorra 28, Spain, Lleida."
In this LL, Catalan only appears in the address at the bottom: "Valls De Andorra 28, Spain, Lleida." The flyer, therefore, displays the street name using Catalan to announce the official street name. The address shows the connection of the church to the local context. Thus, English carries the spiritual message and the community message, while Catalan provides the address.
4. VALUES
First, English has an identity value. Cenoz and Gorter (2009) describe how languages carry symbolic capital. The church presents itself as inclusive and transnational. The phrase "Great Family" supports this image. In a neighborhood where 31.7 percent of residents are immigrants (Idescat, 2026), English gives newcomers a sense of belonging to a broader migrant community. It offers affiliation to a "non-local" identity that connects them to others outside of Spain, while also strengthening their affiliation to a shared religious identity.
Second, English has spiritual value. The target audience shapes language choice (Cenoz & Gorter, 2009). Many English-speaking migrants from Nigeria and Ghana practice Christianity in English in Evangelical traditions. The language connects them to familiar worship. Terms like "Ministry," "Prophet," and "Thanksgiving" in English signal a spiritual experience. The church offers more than community; it offers worship in a language that feels like home.
Third, aesthetic value. The flyer is printed in bright colors and block format, to attract attention from the sidewalk. The sign features big lettering reading “Grateful Heart” and a large image of Prophet Roy Ezeribe. This is an important design choice, because it enables the church to differentiate itself from its neighbors on a street lined with apartment buildings and shops of everyday life. The aesthetic piece plays into the language: The English is large, legible from afar; the Catalan address appears small at bottom.
Finally, our token has social value. Churches, mosques and other religious organizations can create social networks beyond worship, and in the case of migration, provide newcomers with a portal into a fragmented urban space. The church places the flyer in a prominent location in order to alert future members who might not have access to other social support in a new environment. It allows the creation of a cohesive community bound by a shared tongue as well as a shared migration experience. In an area marked by social conflict.
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