PAKISTAN MULTISERVICE SHOP
PAKISTAN MULTISERVICE SHOP (Lycamobile)
AUTHORS: Andrea Quirós, Rosana Mir and Júlia Espinós
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| Figure 1. LL token |
1. INTRODUCTION
In this project, we aim to analyse a one-case study found in the Linguistic Landscape (LL) of Lleida. Linguistic Landscapes are communicative inscriptions that are found in the street, and they can be presented as banners, posters, signs, graffiti, hand-written notes, etc. (Landry & Bourhis, 1997: 25). In order to analyse our LL, we want to look at language from a critical sociolinguistic point of view since “sociolinguistics studies the relationship between language and society” (Holmes, 2010: 1).
Our LL token, which is a commercial shop sign, is taken from a multiservice call shop in Carrer Llitera in Lleida. The activity domain of the given token is commerce because it offers different services to the public. As you can see, there are different texts and posters which are placed in the window display.
First, we will focus on the main sign of the establishment which presents different services in four different languages, English, Spanish, Arabic and Catalan. It is a multilingual sign; yet, the main language is English since its services are mainly addressed to foreign consumers who may not speak Catalan. We also have to consider that English is the worldwide lingua franca as well as it is the official language in Pakistan. Together with English, Arabic and Spanish are the secondary backgrounded languages that we find in the sign. Finally, the fourth language we find is Catalan because of the language policies in Lleida.
Second, the posters we see below the main sign of the establishment are presented in three different languages: Spanish, English and French. The most predominant languages are Spanish and English, however, we also observe French in some posters of the window display.
Both the main establishment sign and the window display contain texts written in the Roman alphabet which is the respective one of the three languages in use. The fact that Spanish is more used than the other two languages leads us to the reflection of the origins of the establishment as well as to whom the message is addressed.
Our LL token, which is a commercial shop sign, is taken from a multiservice call shop in Carrer Llitera in Lleida. The activity domain of the given token is commerce because it offers different services to the public. As you can see, there are different texts and posters which are placed in the window display.
First, we will focus on the main sign of the establishment which presents different services in four different languages, English, Spanish, Arabic and Catalan. It is a multilingual sign; yet, the main language is English since its services are mainly addressed to foreign consumers who may not speak Catalan. We also have to consider that English is the worldwide lingua franca as well as it is the official language in Pakistan. Together with English, Arabic and Spanish are the secondary backgrounded languages that we find in the sign. Finally, the fourth language we find is Catalan because of the language policies in Lleida.
Second, the posters we see below the main sign of the establishment are presented in three different languages: Spanish, English and French. The most predominant languages are Spanish and English, however, we also observe French in some posters of the window display.
Both the main establishment sign and the window display contain texts written in the Roman alphabet which is the respective one of the three languages in use. The fact that Spanish is more used than the other two languages leads us to the reflection of the origins of the establishment as well as to whom the message is addressed.
2. CONTEXTUALIZATION
Our LL sign is situated in the city of Lleida, specifically in Carrer Llitera 2-4, a street from the Historical Centre neighbourhood known as Ricard Vinyes. The neighbourhood is located just in the middle of the city since it is one of the oldest neighborhoods in the city.
Ricard Vinyes is one of the most crowded neighbourhoods in Lleida as well since there are the most famous restaurants and shops in the city. Some of them are considered to be quite expensive although you can also find affordable places to have something to eat. Within this neighbourhood, we also find shops owned by immigrants whose aim is to sell products and services to migrant people.
This distinction between shops and restaurants is due to the fact that the neighbourhood of Ricard Vinyes is populated by 55,19% of local people and 44,81% of foreign people. These results show us that the population living in this part of Lleida is equitable. The distinction between local people and immigrants is not so clear since the data demonstrates a great balance between these two groups.
Ricard Vinyes is one of the most crowded neighbourhoods in Lleida as well since there are the most famous restaurants and shops in the city. Some of them are considered to be quite expensive although you can also find affordable places to have something to eat. Within this neighbourhood, we also find shops owned by immigrants whose aim is to sell products and services to migrant people.
This distinction between shops and restaurants is due to the fact that the neighbourhood of Ricard Vinyes is populated by 55,19% of local people and 44,81% of foreign people. These results show us that the population living in this part of Lleida is equitable. The distinction between local people and immigrants is not so clear since the data demonstrates a great balance between these two groups.
Figure 2. Lleida neighbourhoods/areas. Source:http://paeria.cat/butlletieconomic/2012/03-juliol/06-poblacio.pdf
However, we have to bear in mind that the neighbourhood of Ricard Vinyes is considered to be the uptown of Lleida. In the past, only local people lived there whereas nowadays we can see a multi-diversity of ethnics living in that zone including immigrants, local people who have always been living there and new local citizens who have just moved in. Within this latter group, we can spot University students from all around different countries but mostly from around Spain. However, the upper-class is the dominant people in this zone.
Figure 3. Map of the neighbourhoods in Lleida. Taken from: https://www.gifex.com/fullsize/2011-04-14-13453/Barrios_de_la_ciudad_de_Lerida.html
Furthermore, we have to say that due to the level class of the neighbourhood, which is the upper-class, the prices and the rents of buildings and shops are much higher than in any other neighbourhood in Lleida. However, there are still flats which are affordable for those immigrants who move in Lleida. For that reason, you can see two different types of accommodation in Ricard Vinyes. There are old flats which are destined to be used by immigrants because the rent is lower. On the other hand, there are brand-new flats which are built to be used by local people and which rent is higher than the old ones.
3. METHODOLOGY
In our LL token, we used a sociolinguistic ethnographic approach, including ethnographic material and percentages of the population. We approached our study by using empirical knowledge as well as intuitive knowledge. We focused on one-case study since there were a lot of different posters in the window display. For that reason, our telling-case was the main sign of the establishment which is the one in dark blue we see above the call shop.
In order to analyse our LL token, we used different types of data during the collection process. These data were useful to provide the rationale for our philosophical approach using field notes, participant observations, audio-visual materials, archives and censures and registries from Paeria, Lleida.
We visited the place three times in order to see if there were language change and variation of the token. The first time that we went to the call shop was on the 11th of March at 17 p.m. We took photos of our LL token, the window display; we took one of the whole call shop and another one of the streets where the establishment is located.
The second time that we visited the establishment was on the 19th of March at 14 p.m. It was then when we saw that all the posters were in the same place and nothing had changed. Finally, the third visit was on the 29th of March at 14:30 p.m., and we realized that the main sign of the establishment had been completely changed for a different one. There were some posters as well that were replaced by different ones. The fact that the owners of the call shop completely changed the main sign was something that we did not expect.
In order to analyse our LL token, we used different types of data during the collection process. These data were useful to provide the rationale for our philosophical approach using field notes, participant observations, audio-visual materials, archives and censures and registries from Paeria, Lleida.
We visited the place three times in order to see if there were language change and variation of the token. The first time that we went to the call shop was on the 11th of March at 17 p.m. We took photos of our LL token, the window display; we took one of the whole call shop and another one of the streets where the establishment is located.
The second time that we visited the establishment was on the 19th of March at 14 p.m. It was then when we saw that all the posters were in the same place and nothing had changed. Finally, the third visit was on the 29th of March at 14:30 p.m., and we realized that the main sign of the establishment had been completely changed for a different one. There were some posters as well that were replaced by different ones. The fact that the owners of the call shop completely changed the main sign was something that we did not expect.
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Figure 6. Photo taken during the third visit.
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Figure 7. LL token taken during the second visit.
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Having said that, we have to bear in mind that there are policies in Lleida which may influence the name of the establishments. The language policies in Catalonia and more specifically, the municipal language policies in Lleida claim that the official language of this region is Catalan. "In Catalunya, there is a legal obligation to have at least some presence of the Catalan language on all public and private signs" (Goter, 2006: 85).
That is why the establishment has to follow the regulatory laws of the language policies in Catalonia. The Call shop must include some Catalan in the main sign which it did not have during the first and second time we visited the place. However, on the third time, we observed that the Call Shop incorporated Catalan in the main sign by changing it completely.
Before changing the sign of the establishment, the main language used was Spanish since the call shop is run by Pakistan people. That means that they are not local people and once they came here in Lleida, they adopted the co-official language in Catalonia, Spanish, because it is more prestigious than Arabic or French.
However, as the language policies in Catalonia indicate, Catalan has to be present somehow in the name of the establishment. For that reason, the owners of the call shop changed the first version of the sign (which only included Spanish and English) into the second version of it (which now includes Catalan). However, Catalan is not the main language.
In addition to the policies in Lleida, the Pakistan call shop comes from the commercial category, which has to do with advertising and informing about the services that the shop provides to the customers. For that reason, we can consider our LL token as a bottom-up language policy since the owner of the call shop addresses to individual citizens.
We can see that the establishment is called Ria Money Transfer which refers to a large company of which the official website is the following: https://www.riamoneytransfer.es/. After browsing the website, we have realized that there is the option of switching languages from English to Spanish, as it is a site visited by people from all around the world. Likewise happens in the main sign of the shop in which we distinguish different languages: English, Spanish, Arabic and Catalan. The abounding use of English in the commercial sign demonstrates the prestige that this language has, being the dominant language not only for economic purposes but also for the global lingua franca. Yet, the use of Catalan is due to the local policies governed by the council, La Paeria, which claim that all signs in the city must include the Catalan language.
Moreover, the languages used in the website and the call shop are the same except for Arabic and Catalan. Even though both Arabic and Catalan do not appear in the website, the call shop workers are able to speak the four languages that appear in their commercial sign along with other languages such as French.
That is why the establishment has to follow the regulatory laws of the language policies in Catalonia. The Call shop must include some Catalan in the main sign which it did not have during the first and second time we visited the place. However, on the third time, we observed that the Call Shop incorporated Catalan in the main sign by changing it completely.
Before changing the sign of the establishment, the main language used was Spanish since the call shop is run by Pakistan people. That means that they are not local people and once they came here in Lleida, they adopted the co-official language in Catalonia, Spanish, because it is more prestigious than Arabic or French.
However, as the language policies in Catalonia indicate, Catalan has to be present somehow in the name of the establishment. For that reason, the owners of the call shop changed the first version of the sign (which only included Spanish and English) into the second version of it (which now includes Catalan). However, Catalan is not the main language.
In addition to the policies in Lleida, the Pakistan call shop comes from the commercial category, which has to do with advertising and informing about the services that the shop provides to the customers. For that reason, we can consider our LL token as a bottom-up language policy since the owner of the call shop addresses to individual citizens.
We can see that the establishment is called Ria Money Transfer which refers to a large company of which the official website is the following: https://www.riamoneytransfer.es/. After browsing the website, we have realized that there is the option of switching languages from English to Spanish, as it is a site visited by people from all around the world. Likewise happens in the main sign of the shop in which we distinguish different languages: English, Spanish, Arabic and Catalan. The abounding use of English in the commercial sign demonstrates the prestige that this language has, being the dominant language not only for economic purposes but also for the global lingua franca. Yet, the use of Catalan is due to the local policies governed by the council, La Paeria, which claim that all signs in the city must include the Catalan language.
Moreover, the languages used in the website and the call shop are the same except for Arabic and Catalan. Even though both Arabic and Catalan do not appear in the website, the call shop workers are able to speak the four languages that appear in their commercial sign along with other languages such as French.
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| Figure 8. Street view of the LL |
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| Figure 9. Different perspective of the street view of the LL |
4. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Since our LL token is a commercial sign, we can clearly identify its productive value. It is considered to be productive because it has the capacity to provide financial benefits offering different services using the English language. It does not only have a productive value but also an identity value because of the existence of Catalan in the main sign of the establishment although the owners do not speak it. The fact that the owners do not speak Catalan, but they include them in the sign of the establishments, manifests the local language policies in Lleida.
As we have said before, English is the main language used in the commercial sign and English words are bigger than those written in Catalan. The fact that there are different sizes of letters shows a hierarchisation between languages. Since English words are bigger than Catalan words, our LL token is an example of internalisation of the call shop. It wants to address to migrant people and foreigners instead of local people because of the use of English.
We have to say that there are also Arabic and Spanish words in the new commercial sign that indicates the addressee of the services they offer in the call shop. These two words, one in Arabic and the other in Spanish with bigger size than Catalan, suggest that not all languages are equal.
The fact that we can observe four different languages in the commercial sign, which are English as the dominant language, Spanish along with Arabic as both the second dominant languages in the LL token and finally Catalan, indicates that it is a multilingual sign because of the presence of English in most of the sign, which is considered to be the worldwide lingua franca. In fact, English is most frequently used in advertising than any other language because of its prestige and modernity.
As we have said before, English is the main language used in the commercial sign and English words are bigger than those written in Catalan. The fact that there are different sizes of letters shows a hierarchisation between languages. Since English words are bigger than Catalan words, our LL token is an example of internalisation of the call shop. It wants to address to migrant people and foreigners instead of local people because of the use of English.
We have to say that there are also Arabic and Spanish words in the new commercial sign that indicates the addressee of the services they offer in the call shop. These two words, one in Arabic and the other in Spanish with bigger size than Catalan, suggest that not all languages are equal.
The fact that we can observe four different languages in the commercial sign, which are English as the dominant language, Spanish along with Arabic as both the second dominant languages in the LL token and finally Catalan, indicates that it is a multilingual sign because of the presence of English in most of the sign, which is considered to be the worldwide lingua franca. In fact, English is most frequently used in advertising than any other language because of its prestige and modernity.
5. CONCLUDING THOUGHTS
As we have seen, English is the predominant language in our LL token. At least, it is the first language you can read because of the size of the letters. That reflects the international purposes of the call shop and the way they use English to address to migrant people and foreigners instead of local people.
In fact, English is not only predominant in our LL token but in many other linguistic landscapes which can be found around the city of Lleida. Therefore, we can consider the city of Lleida as a city which has a diversity of communities with their own cultures and languages.
In order to be aware of the different languages used around the city of Lleida and their values, this project is significantly useful to observe and interpret the different social meanings of the languages that are spoken and written in Lleida. Moreover, by participant observation you get to know and understand how people use language in order to convey meaning as well as to reflect their own identities.
As being critical citizenships of sociolinguistics, we also have to mention that this project is a good example of a pedagogical tool to socially engage with citizen ethnography using one useful tool called Technology of empowerment and participation (TEP) (Prego-Vázquez & Zas Varela 2018: 281).
In fact, English is not only predominant in our LL token but in many other linguistic landscapes which can be found around the city of Lleida. Therefore, we can consider the city of Lleida as a city which has a diversity of communities with their own cultures and languages.
In order to be aware of the different languages used around the city of Lleida and their values, this project is significantly useful to observe and interpret the different social meanings of the languages that are spoken and written in Lleida. Moreover, by participant observation you get to know and understand how people use language in order to convey meaning as well as to reflect their own identities.
As being critical citizenships of sociolinguistics, we also have to mention that this project is a good example of a pedagogical tool to socially engage with citizen ethnography using one useful tool called Technology of empowerment and participation (TEP) (Prego-Vázquez & Zas Varela 2018: 281).
6. REFERENCES
- Gorter, D. (2006). Introduction: The Study of the Linguistic Landscape as a New Approach to Multilingualism. In: Linguistic landscape: a New Approach to Multilingualism (ed. by D. Gorter). Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
- Holmes, J. (1992). An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. London: Longman
- Landry, R. & Bourhis, R. Y. (1997). Linguistic landscape and ethnolinguistic vitality: An empirical study. Journal of Language and Social Psychology 16 (1), 23-49.
- La Paeria, Ajuntament de Lleida, Consorci de Promoció Econòmica, (2012). “Població al municipi de Lleida”. Available in: http://paeria.cat/butlletieconomic/2012/03-juliol/06-poblacio.pdf
- Prego-Vázquez, G. & Zas Varela, L. (2018). Paisaje lingüístico: Un recurso TIC-TAC-TEP para el aula. Lingue Linguaggi 25: 277-295.
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